
This is a feature on our trip to Rizal in November 2012 for the Higantes Festival.
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This is a feature on our trip to Rizal in November 2012 for the Higantes Festival.
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This feature is from Owen and I’s trip in Bohol. More blog posts here:
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This piece is originally published at GMA News Online.
For one whole week every year, Baguio’s best-known thoroughfare is transformed into a sloping fair ground with close to a hundred stalls snaking down the 450-meter two-way road in the summer capital’s central business district.
Aptly called Session Road in Bloom, it caps the festivities of Baguio’s annual Flower Festival or Panagbenga, a celebration of abundant harvest in the country’s biggest producer of cut flowers. This year, the festival was held from Feb. 26 to March 4.
The culinary and colorful delights in Session in Bloom—as most locals choose to call it—are as diverse as the city’s current cultural mix, as strange and novel to a resident as the chilly air of Baguio is to anyone who lives in the lowlands. It is, in recent years, also been as much about the food as it is about anything else—a welcome respite from all the walking that tourists usually have to endure in this hilly city to see its sights.
The scent of fried longganisa from Baguio or Vigan lingers in the still-chilly March air, mingling with the sweet aroma of freshly steamed yellow corn on the cob and the smoky smell of beef for shawarma. At times, the scent of rainwater trickling down the gravel road punctuates the afternoon air, as drizzles have become regular this time of the year.
Aside from the predictable street fare of foot-long sausages and burgers—which have been the staple alongside shawarma—an assortment of provincial delicacies has sprouted in the stalls. This is a welcome treat for after-office revelers, students, and tourists on extended vacations to longer journeys by foot in the city of pedestrians.
As much a treat for the palate as it is for the eyes is the famed Ilocos empanada, prepared and deep-fried for everyone to see with its fire-orange wrap, egg, and Vigan longganisa. Perhaps the best companion for the empanada is the sinanglao, a stew made of pork intestines usually served in any of the Ilocos strip’s well-known food destinations, including the Dap-ayan in Laoag, Ilocos Norte and Vigan in Ilocos Sur.
Ilonggo fare also came in the form of batchoy, beef or pork stock with intestines, chicharon, and pancit miki or bihon, as well as the Visayan chicken inasal.
Balut from Pateros and native cakes from Cainta are also available, as are puto bumbong and chocolate bars with pili nuts and laing all the way from Bicol.
Stalls selling handicrafts also dotted the fair: woven bags and wooden carvings from Asin town in Benguet province; frames, intricate bowls, lamps, and vases made from metal and wood; mother of pearl jewelry and carved wooden masks from Palawan.
Artist Derek Pelenia from Palawan showed us several of his artworks for sale – elaborate illustrations of Tagbanua rituals that look like etched artwork but are actually carved out of black marine plywood and colored to finish.
Session in Bloom—usually held during the first week of March—follows Panagbenga’s two highlights—the consecutive weekend parades that never fail to attract tourists by the millions.
Designed for only 25,000 residents, however, Baguio City gets full to bursting on the last weekend of February with about a million spectators lining the city streets to see the parade of dancers and 20 or so gigantic floats made of flowers.
Since 2010 had been an election year, with countless candidates using the festival for their political campaigns, this year’s parades were decidedly less cluttered, more colorful, and more focused.
The Street Dancing Parade, held on a Saturday morning as always, featured what appeared to me as the most colorful set of costumes and props so far. I had spotted headdresses seemingly influenced by the Masskara Festival, and male and female street dancers alike donning tattoos typical of Cordillera tribes.
This year also had more upbeat routines, courtesy of a remixed version of the Panagbenga hymn; intriguingly, the new tune drew flak because the song’s original composer, who had allowed the remix, reportedly disliked the outcome.
Despite the controversy, this year’s parades were generally better than last year’s ill-disguised election sorties. The floats—22 of them—ranged from a gigantic bunny to a pair of giant strawberries to a reptile-like bird with flapping wings, with the occasional celebrity driving the crowd to a frenzy just like in recent years.
Although a better crowd control policy is yet to be implemented so everyone can witness the parades as well as anybody can, Baguio City’s Panagbenga will always be worth a visit. The city becomes livelier than it is the whole year, and everyone seems to be in a cheery mode, never mind if you get calloused feet along the way. The strawberry-flavored taho, after all, is found nowhere else.
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| Mirrors, lamps, vases, frames, etc made of elaborately designed metal |
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| Mirrors, lamps, vases, frames, etc made of elaborately designed metal |
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| Mirrors, lamps, vases, frames, etc made of elaborately designed metal |
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| Mirrors, lamps, vases, frames, etc made of elaborately designed metal |
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| Balut etc from Pateros |
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| Chicharon and native treats from Cainta |
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| Lamps made of wood and marbles which give off a colorful illusion to an otherwise plain incandescent light |
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| Sundry accessories for the young and young at heart |
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| Sundry accessories for the young and young at heart |
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| Baguio products, including the walis tambo and woven bags and garments |
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| One of several stalls selling beautifully crafted wooden frames and furniture |
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| Lamps made from tinted glass and metal from Marinduque |
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| Wares from Palawan, including carved wooden masks |
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| Woven bags and other crafts from Baguio |
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| Woven bags etc from Bicol |
This piece is originally published at GMA News Online.
The tobacco leaves in scarcely irrigated fields have then become of poor quality and have been bought at much lower prices by traders.
Though Ilocos Sur produces the bulk of tobacco harvested each year, it remains the fourth poorest province in Region 1, composed of the provinces Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, La Union, and Pangasinan. In 2009, it has produced 67 percent of the over 21,000 metric tons (MT) of tobacco produced by the entire region, figures from the National Tobacco Administration revealed.
From 2000 to 2003, Ilocos Sur was the frontrunner in Region 1 in “poverty incidence improvement,” an indication of better incomes for the majority of the population. From 2003 to 2006, however, Ilocos ranked last in poverty incident improvement in the region.
In contrast, poverty incidence in the province—the proportion of people who cannot afford basic food and non-food requirements— went up from 22.8 percent in 2003 to 27.2 percent in 2006, the National Statistics Coordination Board (NSCB) reported in 2008.

Each kilo of tobacco leaves sells for about P70, but these are graded first from AA (high-quality) to R (rejects) by the traders buying them. PHOTO BY NIKKA CORSINO
San Emilio town, a producer of Virginia and burley tobacco, is the fourth poorest municipality in Ilocos Sur, with a poverty incidence of 41.21 percent, according to 2003 estimates by the NSCB.
Out of San Emilio town’s 6,920 residents (based on 2003 statistics), about 1,800 persons are classified as poor.
Nonetheless, in 2009, the town produced 984 metric tons (MT) of Virginia, native, and burley tobacco, the fifth largest production among Ilocos Sur province’s 29 tobacco-producing municipalities.
It was in 2009 that Ilocos Sur’s agriculture sector suffered one of its heaviest beatings when typhoon “Pepeng” ravaged the province in October that year.
The damage to agricultural crops was estimated at P890 million and to infrastructure, P181 million, the National Disaster Coordinating Council (NDCC) reported.
Costly production
Putting aside the annihilative effects of the El Niño weather phenomenon, tobacco production is by itself very labor-intensive and costly.
Producing the Virginia type of tobacco, the kind that most farmers in the region choose to plant, is the costliest of all.
Most of the Ilocos Sur farmers prefer to plant Virginia tobacco because it sells for the highest price in the market, ranging from P71 per kilo to as much as P85, compared to only P20 a kilo for the lowest quality of tobacco.
The production cost for Virginia tobacco is about P146,000 per hectare, compared to around P120,000 for other varieties, the NTA estimates. The cost includes expenses for materials, labor, field activities, and repairs.
Ilocos farmers often do not plant more than a hectare of tobacco because of their limited resources.
They usually have to wait for five months before starting to earn, because planting season starts in October or November, while the harvest season would start only in April or June of the following year.
Cowboys
The high cost of tobacco production pushes the farmers to be dependent on borrowed capital.
Loaning cash from a tobacco trading company or a middleman (usually called a “cowboy,”) is commonly known as “contract growing,” a system where farmers are obliged to sell their crops to the lenders.
George Rubang, a farmer in Candon City in Ilocos Sur, has been planting the cheaper kind of tobacco for 20 years but has recently decided to plant the costlier and more full-flavored Virginia tobacco.
To produce Virginia tobacco, Rubang had to borrow P150,000 from Fortune Tobacco, one of the largest buyers of tobacco produce in the region.
“Siyempre doon [sa full-flavor type] lang may nagpapautang, eh wala naman akong pagkukunan ng puhunan, kaya doon ako, (Companies only lend to producers of Virginia tobacco. As I had no capital, I opted for that),” Rubang said.
“Masyadong maraming gastos sa pagtatanim. Masyadong maraming tao at tubig ang kailangan niya para makuha iyong tamang kulay ng tabako. Eh mahina ang tubig dito sa amin, kaya mahirap palaguin, (There are so many so many farming costs. So many people are needed and water is very much needed to get the right color of the tobacco. Because water is scarce in our area, it is very difficult to raise Virginia tobacco),” Rubang said.
Rubang said that planting the cheaper or “neutral” type of tobacco seems to be more beneficial for him personally. Although that kind of tobacco is sold at a lower price, lesser production expenses are incurred.
“Mas maganda iyong sa neutral dahil mas kakaunti ang trabaho. Hindi mo na kailangang tanggalan ng bulaklak at lagyan ng gamot. Mas kaunti rin ang tubig at abonong kailangan” (The neutral kind is better because lesser work is needed. You don’t have to remove the flowers or put insecticides. Lesser water and fertilizers are also needed),” he explained.
Rubang estimates that he would earn less when he harvests the Virginia tobacco he planted because aside from his P150,000 loan, he also incurred higher labor and other costs.
“Mahina ang kita. Maayos sana kung lahat ng grado ng tabako ay AA at maganda ang presyo niya, pero ang tanong, may grado naman nang mababa ang klase, may P70, may P55, iba-iba. (The income is low. It would have been good if all the tobacco leaves are graded AA because the price would be high. However, there are lower grades that can get only P70 or P55 per kilo),” he said.
Grading of tobacco leaves
Before being sold, tobacco leaves are graded from AA (high-quality) to R (reject), with seven other grades in between. These correspond to floor prices that are adjusted yearly as prescribed by the NTA.
For crop year 2010-2011, the prices set by the NTA range from P33 per kilo for rejects to P71 per kilo for the AA grade of tobacco.
Under the prevailing rates, a hectare of tobacco plantation with an average yield of 2,000 kilos of tobacco, would give a farmer a minimum gross profit of P142,000, if all the leaves are graded AA.
The grading of tobacco, says a group of farmers who have shifted to planting other crops, is allegedly often a root of exploitation that keep its farmers poor.
“Iyang mga cowboys at traders, idodowngrade nila ang tabako. Sa halip na A or AA, sasabihin nila C. Wala namang magagawa ang farmer diyan, (Those cowboys and traders, they will downgrade the quality of the tobacco. Instead of A or AA, they will say C. There’s nothing that farmers can do about it)” said Avelino Dacanay of the farmers’ group Solidarity of Peasants Against Exploitation (STOP-Exploitation).

Most Ilocos farmers resort to contract-growing--borrowing capital from lenders--in order to plant tobacco. Part of this agreement is for the farmers to sell their produce only to their lenders, often at lower prices. PHOTO BY NIKKA CORSINO
As farmers can only sell their produce to the trader or cowboy who lent them the capital, they are left with no option but to sell at downgraded rates.
The grading of tobacco, based only on ocular inspection, remains at the trader’s or cowboy’s discretion.
STOP-Exploitation is pushing for the abolition of the multi-tiered grading system because, he said, tobacco redrying companies process the leaves of various grades altogether.
Once bought, tobacco leaves are brought to tobacco redrying plants for processing.
“Nakita namin iyong mga redrying plant noon, sama-sama naman na lahat ng tabako, iisa na lang, walang classification, (We saw the redrying plants before, all the leaves are processed together, there is no classification)” Dacanay said.
“Kaya sana nga ang pinaglalaban namin ay wala nang classification sa tabako. Pero ayaw ng mga traders, dahil doon sila kumukuha ng kita, (We are fighting for a policy where tobacco leaves no longer have to be classified. However, traders are against this because this is where they get their profits)” Dacanay explained.
“Sa middleman, kunwari ang napag-usapan niyo ay 25 percent iyong pupunta sa kanyang tabako, gagawin niyang 30 percent ‘pag nakita niyang maganda iyong quality ng tabako mo. Wala ka namang magagawa kasi wala kang pinirmahan eh. Wala kang pinanghahawakang papeles, (With middlemen, they pretend that they will get a 25 percent cut on the sale of the tobacco. When they see that you have a good grade of tobacco, they will raise this to 30 percent. You can do nothing because there’s no legal contract),” Rubang said.
Transactions with cowboys are often informal and verbal, and most farmers simply sign on the trader’s notebook, indicating the amount they borrowed.
Rubang clarified that his loan with Fortune Tobacco, a large company, has all the necessary paperwork.
Many tobacco farmers, however, still prefer to deal with cowboys because they wouldn’t have to go from their remote locations all the way to trading centers in the provincial capital.
Tobacco farmers dealing with big traders often have to shoulder additional costs to transport their goods to the trading center.
Lack of options
Dacanay, who has planted tobacco until 1995, has switched to planting corn ever since.
He explained that it is easier to plant corn, which yields almost the same price as tobacco.
“Ang tabako kasi after six months ka pa lang makakapagbenta. Ang mais ay 72 days lang pwede nang mailuto. Pangatlong beses na naming magtanim ng mais, isang beses pa lang sa tabako. At ang mais, kapag nataniman at naabonohan mo na, aantayin mo na lang. Sa tabako hindi, araw-araw ka dapat andito sa bukid, (With tobacco, you can only sell after six months. With corn, after only 72 days, it can be cooked already. We would have already planted corn three times during the period that we have planted tobacco only once. With corn, once you have planted it and put fertilizer, you would just wait for the harvest time. With tobacco, you have to be at the farm everyday)” Dacanay said.
According to estimates from the Bureau of Agricultural Statistics (BAS), corn farmers earn an average of P23.71 per kilo, compared to only P15.82 per kilo for tobacco farmers.
The average production cost for corn is estimated at P6.15 per kilo, much lower than the P36 per kilo production cost for tobacco.
According to the January to March 2010 data of the BAS, national tobacco production went up by 9.66 percent compared to the same period last year.
The tobacco yield for the first quarter of 2010 is 10.67 MT, compared to only 9.73 MT in the same period last year.
The BAS attributed the higher yield to the shift to tobacco farming from yellow corn planting in Abra province.
A bag of fertilizer for a hectare of tobacco
The billions in excise tax share that the Ilocos Region has been entitled to since 1993 through Republic Act (RA) 7171 or An Act to Promote the Development of the Farmers in the Virginia Tobacco-Producing Provinces should have given much-needed relief to debt-burdened tobacco farmers.
Since its enactment, about P11 billion had been released to the Ilocos provinces, half of which went to Ilocos Sur because it produces the highest volume of Virginia tobacco.
When asked how RA 7171 has benefited them, however, farmers often find themselves at a loss.
“Iyan ang problema naming mga magsasaka ngayon. May mga ibibigay naman silang isang kaban ng abono, pero anong silbi noon? Paghahati-hatian pa ng tatlong farmer. Ang laki ng [RA] 7171, tapos isa lang ang ibibigay for the entire season, (That’s a problem for us farmers today. They give us one sack of fertilizer but what good is that? Three farmers even have to divide it among themselves. RA 7171 is huge but they will only give us one sack of fertilizer for the entire season),” said one farmer in Ilocos Sur.
A hectare of land, he added, needs around 25 sacks of fertilizers, which include ammonium sulfate and urea, one sack of which amounts to P512 and P893, respectively.
The farmer added that the only RA 7171-funded project he knows of is a warehouse that doubles as a solar dryer for crops during the rainy season.
Local governments have reportedly mostly spent the RA 7171 fund for infrastructure projects such as multipurpose pavements and centers, farm-to-market roads, solar dryers, and barangay halls.
The farmers said government subsidy of their production costs would have helped them lessen the debts they incur every planting season.
“Iyong puhunan lang namin ang talagang problema. Kaming mga farmer, kung hindi na kami uutang, hindi na kami makakapagtanim (Capital is really a big problem for us. If we will not borrow money, we will not be able to plant),” said one farmer in La Union.
An official of the NTA acknowledges the issues raised by the farmers.
“Ang complaint ng mga farmers, wala silang nakukuhang direct benefits. Indirect lang, kasi ginagamit sa infrastructure, sa daanan, na mabebenepisyuhan sila, pero indirectly.. Mga eskwelahan para sa mga anak at apo nila, kaya lang kung tutuusin ang gusto nila, kahit konting subsidy lang (The complaint of the farmers is that they do not get direct benefits, only indirect because the fund is used for infrestructure such as roads which will also benefit them but indirectly, or schools for their children and grandchildren. In the end, what they want is a little subsidy)” the NTA official said, adding that subsidizing 30 to 50 percent of the production cost would greatly ease the farmers’ burdens.
Dacanay said the farmers are not seeking for a full subsidy from the government, lest that cultivates a culture of dependency among them.
He said, however, in times like this when the El Niño phenomenon has made tobacco farming more difficult, a government subsidy would be beneficial.
This piece is originally published at GMA News Online.
“There is the necessity to make other options available for these children than just having them breathe tobacco day in day out”
Early this year, news footage of two-year-old Ardi Rizal puffing away in Indonesia, the world’s third largest tobacco-consuming nation, sparked global outrage. Much of the criticism was directed toward the boy’s father, who said he gave his son his first stick when he was only an 18-month old baby.
Ardi quickly became the face of his country’s struggle to regulate an industry that has made wanton smoking among its young people possible within a short span of 10 years. The Indonesian toddler’s smoking habit reportedly costs his parents roughly P260 per day, or P50 more than the daily minimum wage of a farmer in the Ilocos Region, the Philippines’ main tobacco-growing region.
Judging from Ardi’s photos on the Internet, he is almost the same size as four-year old Ruby (not her real name), who is already helping her family to grow tobacco in Ilocos. At a tender age, she joins her nine siblings in picking up tobacco leaves in preparation for drying.
Ruby—and many kids doing the same task—hardly knows what the tobacco leaves are for, or that there’s a child half her age in a neighboring country who throws tantrums if he doesn’t get his daily nicotine dose.

Her hair unkempt and her feet bare, Ruby stares at the carpet of tobacco leaves outside the family hut. Barely three feet tall, she gets a pointed bamboo stick about two feet long and starts to skewer the scattered leaves with skillful abandon, unmindful that the hazardous task could pluck her eyes out with one wrong move.
Her family has been planting tobacco for 21 years, one of the 1.93 million Filipinos who are dependent on the tobacco industry.

Like other farmers, however, Imelda said the family often ends up consuming the rice, which is barely enough for their own needs. Tobacco is the only cash crop in their 1.5-hectare tobacco farm, yielding around P10,000 in net income last year.
For capital expenses, they rely on neighbors who are willing to lend them money. Imelda’s husband Renato said they currently owe P60, 000 to creditors: P40, 000 for this crop year, and almost P20, 000 from the previous tobacco season.
He blamed the series of typhoons in 2009 for the weak profits and unpaid debt. “Nasira sa bagyo ‘yong mga inani namin, kaya kakaunti lang iyong natira para mabenta. Lugi talaga kami kasi kahit na-ani namin lahat, wala namang natira dahil noong nagsiliparan ‘yong mga yero noong bagyo, nasama rin ‘yong mga ani namin,” (We were left with hardly anything to sell after the typhoons ravaged our crops, damaging even those left hanging in our homes for drying) Renato lamented.
Living on barely P300 a day, the Feleos are one big family—Imelda and Renato, their ten children aged between 20 and two, as well as their eldest child’s own year-old daughter and her husband.
Imelda and Renato did not finish school, and some of their older children have decided to drop out as well. “Mas gusto kasi nilang tumulong kaysa mag-aral (They prefer to help rather than go to school),” Imelda said. The younger children attend the local public school.
A daughter who is hoping to take up criminology in college may not be able to pursue her studies if the family doesn’t recover from last year’s debacle. “Kung sakali, siya ang pinaka-una sa aming makakatuntong ng kolehiyo (If she does, she would be the first among us to reach college),” Imelda said.
Like most tobacco-growing families in Ilocos, the Feleos allow young children to help in minor tasks such as gathering tobacco leaves for drying, uprooting weeds, and watering the tobacco plants. The older ones apply fertilizers and watch over the curing process, which usually takes five days.
Imelda said little Ruby was never taught to gather tobacco leaves: “Nakikita niya iyong mga kapatid niya na nagtutusok, kaya sabi niya sa akin, ‘Mama magtutusok rin ako,’ kaya hinahayaan ko na.” (She saw her siblings doing it and she told me one day she wants to join them, so I just let her).
Ruby’s brother, seven-year-old Bryan, proudly says in Ilocano, “I was taught to gather leaves with a stick only once when I was four. And it wasn’t difficult at all.” But he admits he has lazy moments when he would trade his tobacco stick for play time with other village boys.
When there’s school, the family plants tobacco on weekends so all the children can help out. “Sa halip na magbayad tayo ng iba, tayo-tayo na lang din para pambili na lang natin ng mga pangangailangan natin (Instead of paying somebody else to do the work for us, we could just do it ourselves especially during my children’s school break),” Imelda said.
Green Tobacco Sickness
The ill effects of smoking cigarettes—which are produced from tobacco leaves—are widely known, but very few are aware of other health risks from the manufacture of the product.
Children like Ruby who do not smoke tobacco or not regularly exposed to second-hand smoke because no one in their family is an active smoker are nevertheless at risk for Green Tobacco Sickness or nicotine poisoning.
The nicotine in moist tobacco leaves that enters the body through the skin can cause nausea, vomiting, dizziness, and breathing difficulties. Between three to 17 hours after exposure, symptoms such as abdominal cramps, abnormal temperature, pallor, diarrhea, and fluctuations in heart or blood pressure are felt, and this can last from one to three days, says Dr. Maricar Limpin, Executive Director of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control Alliance-Philippines.

Local farmers, said Avelino Dacanay of the Ilocos-based farmers’ group Solidarity of Peasants Against Exploitation (STOP-Exploitation), remain unaware of dermal nicotine poisoning. “Ako nga rin eh. Ang alam ko gutom lang ako kaya ako nahihilo (Farmers do not know what GTS is, or that it exists. I myself do not know what it is. When I was planting tobacco, I thought I was feeling dizzy because I was just hungry),” said Dacanay, who farmed tobacco for decades before shifting to corn.

“Minsan lang naman nagkakalagnat, pero normal lang naman iyon sa bata,” (They do catch fever sometimes, but that’s just normal with children) she says.
According to a study conducted by the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids in 2001, local farmers often confuse GTS symptoms with heat exhaustion or pesticide poisoning. An average field worker could be exposed to up to 600 milliliters of dew or rain on tobacco, the rough equivalent of the nicotine content of 36 cigarettes, the study said.
Citing a report from the National Statistics Office, the study found out that—like Ruby in her bare hands and feet—only one in five working children use safety gadgets of any kind. Because of this, children risk punctures from the task of gathering leaves, which is usually delegated to them.
Aside from GTS, there are other hazards involved in allowing children to help grow tobacco. Teenagers who apply fertilizer and insecticides on the crops are regularly exposed to toxic fumes and dust, while prolonged exposure to direct sunlight puts them at risk for skin inflammation, the study said.
Dr. Limpin said lack of awareness about GTS is the biggest hurdle against its prevention, but grinding poverty complicates the problem further. “Since the tobacco farmers have no other option except tobacco farming, considering that they do not receive any support to shift to an alternative crop, I do not think that they will abandon tobacco farming altogether,” Limpin said.
With the huge amount of work involved in tobacco farming, farmers are not likely to prevent their children from helping even if they knew the health risks, she adds. “Government must undertake intensive information dissemination campaign on this problem for them to even start thinking about this,” the doctor said.
GTS is an acute disease, but direct absorption of nicotine from tobacco leaves may be prevented by using protective gear. Yet, Limpin notes, “We know that the tobacco workers most likely do not wear any protective gear because they are unaware [of GTS].”
’That’s not child labor’
In addition to health risks, the issue of child labor has also stirred much debate in the industry, where many say the home safely shields the work of children because the parents are also involved in tobacco production.
“You cannot call it child labor,” asserts Efraim Dayap, a senior official at the National Tobacco Administration in Candon City, Ilocos Sur. “Karamihan sa amin ganyan. Lahat kami napag-aral ng magulang namin dahil sa tabako.” (Most of us grew up that way. All of us finished school because of tobacco farming).
“Sinasabi nila na may child labor sa tabako. Wala. Masaya pa nga ang mga bata ‘pag sila ay pagagawin ng ganoon, dahil may allowance silang 25 centavos sa bawat stick na matapos nila. Nakatulong pa sila sa pinansyal na problema ng pamilya nila (Others say there is child labor in tobacco farming, but that is not true. In fact, children are happy to work in tobacco farms because they earn 25 centavos for every stick they finish, and they are also able to help their families),” Dayap said.

“Siguro nga pwedeng i-consider iyong mga hazards, pero ito kasing tobacco as well as other products talagang family-oriented. Minsan bata pa lang nag-uumpisa iyong farmer (We can always consider the hazards, but tobacco, as well as other products, are family-oriented. Most farmers start out young),” he said.
Singson adds that the children often take over when their parents grow old, and generations of tobacco farmers have learned from the guidance of their forebears.

Among them is Ronald, 15, who quit school after the third grade and shifted to planting tobacco instead. Like him, his three other brothers also turned their back on education in favor of tobacco production.
While all three of his sisters are still in school, Ronald said he has no plans of pursuing further studies. “Ayaw ko na talaga (I’ve given up),” he said.
“This is the difficulty in engaging children early in the family livelihood. They begin to realize they don’t need to finish school in order to earn. Once this happens, it is not likely to stop,” said Ma. Elena Caraballo, Deputy Executive Director of the Council for the Welfare of Children.
“So there really is a need to reach out to these children, encourage them to finish at least high school and then take special training courses so they won’t be dependent on the trade. Time will come there will be no other option to stop it,” she added.
Based on a 2008 study conducted by the Department of Labor and Employment-Ilocos Region in Balaoan town in La Union, almost half of the children there are involved in activities that may be considered child labor. More than half—68 percent—are found in tobacco-growing families, with more boys than girls involved in the industry.

The study noted that almost 24 percent of the children are exposed to the worst forms of child labor: almost a fifth of 15- to 17-year-olds were found to be working more than 43 hours per week, two percent of children have sustained injuries or gotten sick because of work, and about 7 percent were regularly exposed to chemicals.
However, the same survey also found out that 60 percent of parents in the town considered it “good” and “normal” for children to work. The remaining 40 percent, meanwhile, pointed to financial reasons to justify the involvement of children in growing tobacco.
Caraballo explains the parents’ perspective this way: “Oftentimes in the Philippine context, because of the closeness of the family, the output of the parents is improved if the whole family is involved, even before the children are supposed to be working. These families usually have limited options so they engage all members in their livelihood.”
Children’s work vs. child labor
The DOLE’s Institute of Labor Studies makes a distinction between children’s work and child labor.
“Generally, the participation of children in domestic activities, or in efforts that do not produce goods or services, does not constitute child labor. Hence, undertaking household chores is not part of child labor but work in family-owned businesses is,” the ILS said in a report.
“Mendicancy is not child labor because it does not produce a social commodity. But debt-peonage, where children are made to work to pay off their parents’ debts, is child labor even if children receive no direct payments for their work. So are children’s self-employment activities,” the ILS report added.
The Labor Code provides allowances for non-hazardous labor among children below 15 years old as long as it does not interfere with the child’s schooling. The Child and Youth Welfare Code allows children of the same age to work under the direct supervision of the parent.

“It is not an extreme form. In fact, these children are working with their parents. They are being supervised, only that they were removed from schools because of poverty,” he said. “Some of the parents would also like to see their children from time to time, and go with them to work rather than not seeing them at all.”
Tobacco control advocates, however, say it is precisely this family setup that makes matters worse.
“Mas matindi ang extent ng child labor, kasi tinitignan siya as normal (That is a worse form of child labor because it is considered normal). It is not recognized as a form of exploitation,” argues Limpin. “It’s the worst thing that can happen to a child. It is illegal, but it is not seen that way.”
Limpin says the unpaid labor that goes into every stick of tobacco leaves—just like what Ruby Feleo and her siblings do— is part and parcel of the tobacco farmer’s capital but this is never recognized by traders who buy their produce.
“Kung bibilangin natin ang dami ng nagtatrabaho sa sakahan ng tabako [na kadalasan ay ang buong pamilya], napakaliit ng kinikita at talagang lugi ang magsasaka (If all the labor spent for one season is quantified, farmers would come out shortchanged in the end),” Limpin says.
Alternative to tobacco
To curb child labor in the tobacco industry, the government needs to address the persistent poverty among farming communities in Ilocos, which are dependent on the cash crop and nothing more, she says.
“Kailangang itama ng gobyerno at mahanapan ng alternative livelihood ang mga tao doon para hindi dependent ang mga growers dito dahil sa mga health risks nito,” says Limpin. “It [needs] the political will to find a viable alternative. The buck really stops with the government.”
The Labor Department says it has been helping families find alternative livelihood through poultry-raising, but there is much that needs to be done.
“If we have to address child labor, you have to address poverty, as well as the consciousness of the community about child labor,” DOLE’s Jalbuena says. “Our goal is to eradicate child labor but if we cannot totally do it, at least we can minimize it.”

Options for children
Ardi and Ruby represent different sides of the tobacco industry’s socioeconomic toll on children.
“They are victims of this industry. On one hand, we see all the cigarette advertising taking its toll on a particular child without realizing it. There’s just too much easy access to tobacco that parents did not realize their child is already addicted,” Caraballo said.
In Ardi’s case, she says, “A child responds to cigarettes the way he would respond to food or a feeding bottle. We should blame no one but the parents themselves. He was hooked because he thought about it all along as food, and you cannot blame the child because he is so young to discern the effects of smoking.”
According to international media reports, the Indonesian toddler has cut down his daily cigarette consumption and has since undergone therapy.
“On the other hand, there’s Ruby who is actually just a toddler and is still trying to learn physical independence from her parents. These children may not see this as work but mere play. But for as long as this family remains dependent on only one kind of livelihood, they deprive the children of activities suitable for their age,” Caraballo said.
“There is the necessity to make other options available for these children than just having them breathe tobacco day in day out,” she concludes.

Thank you, Probe and FCAP, as well as my parents and Owen, who had in one way or another helped me put together the material I needed for my stories.
All photos are by Sherwin G. Ballesteros, whose portfolio you can find here. The photographer has secured all his subjects’ verbal consent, including those of the minors and their parents. All the subjects photographed in this story were briefed that it was going to be published as a news story.